The O’Hare Community Area is easily the largest of Chicago’s 77 community areas, with a size of 13.34 square miles. However, it is also the least population dense (just 1000 people per square mile). This is because the vast majority of O’Hare’s area is not residential. Above is a map of O’Hare I made using Dave’s Redistricting Analysis. Below is a legend of what each color means.
Blue = Multi-Family Residential
Purple = Single Family Residential
Red = Industrial
Green = Forest Preserve
Yellow = Airport
As we can see, a majority of the space of the community area is taken up by the namesake O’Hare International Airport, with the Catherine Chevalier Woods and various industrial zones adding to it to make up a community area which is less of a neighborhood and more of an amalgamation of various uses of suburban land. Population is reported as 13,351, of which 11,109 in the Blue (multi-family residential) zone. Throughout the project I will focus on this area as the meaning of the Neighborhood of O’Hare, although the other parts of the community area bear studying. Some facts and figures will include the Purple zone (marked on the neighborhood map as Schorsch Forest View, although that seems to be a term solely used by cartographers and real estate developers).
O’Hare’s identity as a neighborhood does not seem to be coherent. There were few storefronts and “community spaces”, and fewer still seemed to encourage the idea of O’Hare as a distinct neighborhood. It is fairly isolated from the rest of the city, bounded by the North by a massive “edge city” and to the West by the woods. It shares only a very small border with the rest of Chicago. Instead, O’Hare seems to largely be a continuation of the Town of Norridge, which, along with the rest of Norwood Park Township (not to be confused with the Chicago neighborhood of Norwood Park), is surrounded entirely by the City of Chicago. It is a convenient location for blue-collar workers who wish to live far from the urban core, but are required by their city contracts to live within Chicago limits.
While it feels suburban in character - there is one feature of the neighborhood that stops me from lumping it in with the rest of suburban sprawl. The vast majority of O’Hare residents live in multi-family housing. According to the Chicago Metropolitan Planning Authority (CMAP), 87% of O’Hare Community Area residents live in multi-family dwellings. And when you take out the Schorsch Forest View subdivision, I would imagine that number is close to 100%. Seen below are the two major types of housing in O’Hare: three-story townhomes and larger twelve-flat blocks. Both are brick dwellings styled in the post-war mid-century boom that converted Chicago’s outer ring from patches of older settlements into mile after mile of suburban paradise. CMAP confirms this; 94% of all housing in O’Hare was built between 1940 and 1999.
ABOVE: Three-flat and 6/12-flat low-rise apartments that make up O'Hare's housing stock. In my opinion, this is the greatest type of housing found anywhere in Chicago.
Along with housing, the other attribute that I found binds O’Hare together as a distinct neighborhood is its avid walkers. I visited O’Hare on a gorgeous Friday afternoon; it was the last weekend before the weather turned chilly in Chicago. Even though O’Hare is an unending string of duplicate industrial housing surrounded by a ring of areas largely impossible to escape without a car, the neighborhood itself was surprisingly pleasant to walk through. Most streets were tree-lined and few cars were blowing through the neighborhood, even during rush hour. The vast majority of parents picking their kids up from Everett M. Dirksen Elementary School (named after the former U.S. Senator) simply walked their kids a few blocks home while chatting with other adults. There’s obviously a degree of good timing, but I sensed a much more pedestrian culture among families than I did in ostensibly New Urbanist neighborhoods which pride themselves on their dislike of the suburban way of living.
ABOVE: Grandparents Park, the only green space in the neighborhood. Named at the request of residents who made fond memories here with their grandparents.
Chicago is in the 41st Ward, which is represented by Alderman Anthony Napolitano, the only current member of the Chicago City Council to have been a Republican (he is currently not registered with a political party; the 41st Ward Committeeman is Joe Cook, an attorney for the Metropolitan Water Reclamation District). The bulk of the 41st Ward is single-family residential and upper-middle class, including areas such as Norwood Park (the neighborhood), Edison Park, and a large chunk of Edgebrook. O’Hare shares some characteristics with these neighborhoods, as they are all white ethnic, socially conservative areas. But that’s where the similarities end. O’Hare is much more industrial and isolated than these other neighborhoods, the average income is considerably lower, and residents are much more likely to be immigrants (O’Hare is the last remaining neighborhood in the city where a majority of residents are not native-born citizens. It contains a large number of immigrants from Poland, the Balkans, and the Middle East.)
ABOVE: Chicago's Ward Map, with the 41st highlighted. About as suburban as you can get.
O’Hare shares even less similarity with its other political districts. It is in the 55th State House District represented by Democrat Martin J. Moylan, but is the only part of the entire city to be in that district. HD-55 stretches through Park Ridge, Des Plaines, and Elk Grove Village all the way out to the edge of Schaumburg, and O’Hare’s inclusion is more for political expediency than real representation. State Senate representation is even worse. That district (28th) is represented by Democrat Laura Murphy and stretches all the way to Hanover Park in DuPage County, and is closer to the border of Chicagoland than it is to O’Hare itself.
ABOVE: 55th House District. O'Hare is in the small southeast nib labeled "Chicago".
ABOVE: 28th Senate District, in classic Illinois fashion, connects unrelated neighborhoods and towns in the name of political expediency.
Better is O’Hare’s inclusion in the 16th Police District, which is centered in Jefferson Park and which includes much of the Far Northwest Side (Dunning, Portage Park, etc.) This is the area most similar to O’Hare in characteristics. O’Hare is in St. Eugene Parish, the seat of which is 7958 W Foster Ave (located in a small strip of land that separates O’Hare from the rest of the city; it is formally part of the Norwood Park Community Area but for all intents and purposes is part of Norridge Town). Finally, O’Hare comprises two census tracts, 760801 and 760803. The dividing line for the two seems to be at about W Evelyn Lane.
ABOVE: The 16th Police District. Note how awkwardly Chicago wraps around Norwood Park Township (which contains the Towns of Norridge and Harwood Heights).
Neighborhood history, as you may have gleaned, is rather straightforward and does not contain the quirks or dramatic changes that many of Chicago’s oldest neighborhoods have gone through. When World War II ended, a large Douglas Aircraft manufacturing plant was demolished and turned into a small commercial airport. Correctly sensing that Midway Airport would not be able to single-handedly manage all air traffic in the Chicagoland area, the City Council annexed O’Hare and the small strip of mostly empty land surrounding it, including the Chevalier Woods, over the objection of Schiller Park. A small ribbon of road was also included in the annexation, since Illinois law requires that all municipalities be contiguous. And so, O’Hare became Chicago’s 76th community area.
ABOVE: St. Joseph Ukrainian Catholic Church. O'Hare is only 3% Ukrainian, but people from across the North and West suburbs come to pray here.
O’Hare is one of the last truly company towns to be built. City policymakers and businessmen met and planned the new development. Before long, the part of the community area intersecting the Kennedy Expressway was filled with large office parks and corporate buildings. Cookie-cutter multi-story housing was built on the area bisecting Norridge, and the woods were left intact as a green belt so that residents of the city and suburbs could come together and enjoy a small ribbon of nature. The whole neighborhood seems definitively planned - nothing outwardly seems out of place, as is often the case in a community built for the sole purpose of revolving around one corporation or industry.
ABOVE: Office parks that separate Cumberland Station from the neighborhood.
Today, O’Hare retains its company town characteristic, although it is no longer an area solely for airport workers. Transportation is still the largest occupation, making up 17% of the jobs in O’Hare versus 4% in Chicago as a whole. The more common occupations of Administration (13%) and Sales (8%) are not too far behind, and are roughly on par with Chicago’s numbers as a whole. White flight in the 1950s-1980s saw many Chicagoans flee for the outer ring of neighborhoods to escape changing demographics in the inner city, and some of them settled in the cheap but pleasant neighborhood of O’Hare, where one can live in a low-rise apartment and have access to all the amenities of the suburbs. In the 21st century, immigrants from areas new to Chicago (Balkans, Ukraine, Arabia, etc.) arrived in Chicago and headed straight for suburban areas, marking a shift in immigration patterns. A good number of them have come to O’Hare. The the largest ethnic groups in O’Hare are: Polish (21%), Arab (9%), German (8%), Italian (8%), Irish (6%), Mexican (4%), Filipino (3%), Indian (3%), and Ukrainian (3%). There are dozens more ethnicities with 1 or 2 percent of the population, including Greek, Serbian, Moroccan, Bulgarian, Mongolian, and more, an astounding level of diversity not found in many Chicago neighborhoods of comparable size.
ABOVE: A rough sketch of the neighborhood. Not many "third places" other than the park, the church, and two elementary schools. North is up.
Encyclopedia of Chicago: https://tinyurl.com/dj33nn6k
Chicago Municipal Planning Authority: https://www.cmap.illinois.gov/documents/10180/126764/O%27Hare.pdf
Statistical Atlas: All ethnic and occupational data
Chicago Park District: https://www.chicagoparkdistrict.com/parks-facilities/grandparents-park
Chicago Cityscape: https://www.chicagocityscape.com/maps/index.php?place=chipolicedistrict-16
Dave's Redistricting Analysis: Initial map of O'Hare Community Area Components and their population
O’HARE FAST FACTS
City of Chicago
No High School Diploma
Speak Poor English
Speak Slavic Language
Median Household Income
MHI < $25,000
MHI > $150,000
Single Family Housing
Large Housing (>20 units)
Median home year built
Median number of rooms
Average Home Cost
Public Transit Usage
Annual Miles Traveled (car)
Employed Outside Chicago
High Walkability Areas
SIMPSON DIVERSITY INDEX CALCULATIONS
Note: As the O’Hare Neighborhood is close to coterminous with the O’Hare Community Area in terms of population, I did not calculate the community area value as it would be largely redundant.
City of Chicago
Overall, O’Hare is somewhat less diverse than both the Northwest Side and the City of Chicago on Race, Education, and Income levels. It is much Whiter (albeit with a higher Asian population as well) and the normal bracket of income and education levels are also much smaller than they are within the city. I would have to hazard a guess that this is due to the very specific purposes for which O’Hare was created. While not everyone in O’Hare works at the airport, the design of O’Hare as a company town-type settlement attracts much more specific types of people than a larger and less architecturally uniform neighborhood. The result is a neighborhood that, while diverse in some respects, falls short of being a “microcosm of the city”.
That being said, I wonder whether or not it makes sense to compare any neighborhood to the City of Chicago or even the area of the City it is located in. Chicago remains one of the most segregated cities in the United States, and just because the city is diverse, does not mean that most neighborhoods are more diverse than O’Hare is. The Northwest Side is known for its economic (and, increasingly, racial) diversity, but a glance at the South and West sides, plus the Nearer North Side, does not exactly paint a picture of diversity when compared to O’Hare. Perhaps a good thing in the future would be to compare O’Hare to other similarly sized neighborhoods, as opposed to the city at large.
While O’Hare is undoubtedly a great neighborhood, it suffers from what Matthew Carmona calls “invaded space”. Invaded space sacrifices social and communal needs to the needs of the car, putting automotive mobility above all else. This is exemplified by the public transit system in O’Hare. There is one CTA rail stop in O’Hare, Cumberland, which is on the Blue Line. Like the Red Line, it is located in the middle of an expressway to allow for rail commuters to go with the same general flow of traffic. Unlike the Red Line, however, actually leaving the station by foot is more like a psychological horror movie than a normal commute. Going up the elevator from the platform puts you on the top level of a huge, empty cylindrical terminal with multiple stories of boarded up hallways. Going back down and out, there is an expansive park-and-ride space, as well as a multi-story parking structure (all of which are largely empty). The only way out by foot is to go up into the abandoned building, go back down and out, walk across the park-and-ride, jaywalk across the outgoing car and bus lanes, jaywalk across the off-ramp for the Kennedy Expressway, navigate through the large office parks and commercial buildings, and voila! You’re home in O’Hare. I like to think that one night in the 50s, Mayor Richard J. Daley got drunk and bet his friends he could design a neighborhood where not one person used public transit.Cumberland Avenue, the neighborhood’s main thoroughfare, suffers from a similar invaded space problem. For one thing, Cumberland is both the main street and edge street of the town, since it separates Chicago from the Town of Norridge. In some places, the border of Norridge snakes between sides of the street. This is largely O’Hare’s loss, since the Chicago side of the street largely serves as a dumping ground for services Norridge residents don’t want to live next to. For example, the Norridge Public Works Department is actually located on the Chicago side of Cumberland, albeit barely within Norridge city limits. A strip mall where Dunkin and Shell conveniently evade Chicago taxes also graces the Chicago side of the street. Astonishingly, a small block located on the Chicago side of Cumberland between Foster and Berwyn is actually an exclave of a third local government division, Leyden Township, which is located nowhere near O’Hare (it comprises Northlake, Elmwood Park, and Schiller Park in the Western Suburbs), but strangely operates its own non-CPS school district (Pennoyer School District), in that small strip of land, as well as some high-rise tenement housing and some ATMs. If anyone from the O’Hare neighborhood wants to pray at the Ukrainian Church at the other end of the neighborhood, they have to negotiate all this before they get there. The Norridge side of Cumberland, by the way, remains exclusively single-family residential.
ABOVE: The largely abandoned central terminal of Cumberland station, the first of many obstacles one must navigate to get to the residential areas of O'Hare.
O’Hare is maybe the most corporate neighborhood in Chicago. There are very few examples of neighborhoods, perhaps in the entire United States, that are meant so much for people who are passing by and neither live in the neighborhood nor interact with its residents when they are inside it. Notable runners up include Fuller Park, where ⅓ of the neighborhood’s surface area is taken up by the Dan Ryan Expressway alone, and Archer Heights, where a few blocks of single-family homes pale in comparison to large industrial areas along the Sanitary Canal where Chicago’s finest mobsters hustle cash. But O’Hare, which clocks in at exactly 2.7% residential, has to take the cake. 78% of the neighborhood is the airport plus roads, freeways, and railroad tracks, with most of the other 22% being the nature preserve which is more of a green belt separating O’Hare from the burbs than it is an integral part of the neighborhood.
Even the narrowly defined neighborhood of O’Hare is meant to be used, rather than interacted with, by the vast majority of people who drive through it. The John F. Kennedy Expressway cuts right above the neighborhood. On the north of the freeway is suburban Park Ridge, where the residential area, surprisingly, begins immediately, after you pass amenities like a Mariano's, CVS, and other services residents will find useful. The O’Hare side, however, is entirely large business parks. The neighborhood is designed for the experience of workers and executives who come from all over Chicago by car, so as to minimize their commute from the freeway. It is very expressly designed to benefit corporations at the price of alienating and isolating the O’Hare community.
As such, there are very few small businesses in O’Hare. There are a couple of diners that don’t seem to be part of a chain, and I recall seeing a beauty salon. But most of the area along Cumberland Avenue, the only road which could be called a main thoroughfare, are taken up by parking lots and strip malls where large chains appeal to auto travelers. Even the sidewalk route from the train station to the office parks to the neighborhood is awkward and involves jaywalking and clearly centers car traffic over (non-existent) pedestrian travel. Even though the office parks are only a few tenths of a mile away from the residential area, it’s clear that local residents are meant to stick to blue collar occupations rather than the ivory towers.
The truly unfortunate part of this narrative is that it’s hard to formulate a better option. Chicago needs big faceless corporations and it needs patches of urban land that are dominated by large industrial parks at the sacrifice of local residents. It’s the 21st century, not the 12th - the tax base which we need to fund city government, expand social services, and create a transportation network are not going to come from small mom-and-pop businesses that come in and out of business every couple of years. They will come from large corporations and wealthy people whose rings city officials have to kiss in order to obtain municipal funding. Chicago has always been like this. At one time, it was in the near North and West Sides (River North used to be an Italian district called “little hell”). Now it is in the outer “bungalow belt” neighborhoods. The cold hard truth is that, all things being equal, neighborhoods which have lower incomes, higher immigrant populations, and are not politically potent will always get the short end of the stick. O’Hare was designed for this purpose and it serves it well.
Street Scene in O’Hare (I was not in the mood to halt traffic in a busy intersection by taking my own shot). Corporations have the right-of-way over people; non-local auto transport has the right-of-way over everything else.
The residential area of O’Hare is made up exclusively of elongated blocks. Because practically all buildings are multi-family and vertical, it makes little sense to maximize the perimeter of each property that is located on the street. Like the Lexicon of New Urbanism states, there is very little difference between lot depths, but widths vary widely, with some buildings being single-structure 3-flats and some being U-Shaped complexes that contain at least 20 or 30 dwellings. The blocks in O’Hare also feature alleyways that allow for easy utility service, but unlike in the Lexicon, these blocks don’t have shortcuts between the street and the alleys - the alleyways by and large cannot be accessed without leaving the block and traversing half the distance to the next street. The industrial parts, by and large, are the same, only without the alleyway and with blocks having only two bounding streets that define them.
ABOVE: A typical block in O’Hare. It measures approximately 300 feet by 650 miles. Google Maps does not fully comprehend building structures so note that some of the twin buildings equidistant from each other are the U-Blocks mentioned above.
The neighborhood is obviously an example of the Savannah Pattern neighborhood type, as are almost all of Chicago’s neighborhoods. Straight, unending streets are the norm, and are pretty monotonous and uncharacteristic. A change in surroundings usually happens only when the grid is interrupted, (for example, when a street ends at a T-intersection where an industrial lot occupies two consecutive blocks, as shown below). We are given very good directional orientation, as in the rest of Chicago, which makes going on walks easier as there is no terrain. However, O’Hare is not a neighborhood you traverse through unless you live there, so there is really no need for the “even dispersal of traffic” and “end grain for fast traffic” that O’Hare provides so well. In reflection, perhaps a Radburn Pattern would better foster a sense of community while maintaining essential city services.
ABOVE: A good chunk of O’Hare. Note that the Savannah Pattern is largely broken only by industrial and commercial areas, with only the Park being a “community distraction”. This is a lose-lose situation, since it both fosters monotony and forces that monotony on residents, since private property is not a “third place” and pushes residents back into their isolated neighborhood.
As mentioned before, Cumberland Avenue is the main Boulevard that runs through the neighborhood, and the John F. Kennedy Expressway runs through the community area, separating O’Hare from Park Ridge. Of course, O’Hare makes a substantial difference between these two types. Cumberland is very much a part of the neighborhood and serves as a main street of the Far Northwest Side, almost like an Avenue. It is designed for easy access to residential and commercial areas. Meanwhile, the Kennedy is not only closed-access, but hedged in between office parks and a large elevation decrease, pushing residents away and making the presence of the Blue Line in the middle of it even more useless. There are a couple of avenues, Bryn Mawr and Foster, that are conceivably used for transport to neighboring areas like Norridge and Oriole Park which would not warrant switching over to a Highway/Boulevard. East River Road, which separates the neighborhood from the Chevalier Woods, serves as a perfect example of a Drive.
ABOVE: East River Road, which separates largely developed areas with the Woods, which themselves separate the neighborhood from the airport. Shame you can’t walk down it, though.
There seems to me to be very little variation between the low-to-moderate speed and capacity thoroughfares throughout O’Hare. So should they be called Roads or Streets? O’Hare is almost entirely multi-family housing and high-density commerce/industry, but a walk through the neighborhood gives it a quiet suburban feel, where residents have an active life while enjoying privacy and seclusion. And in fact, O’Hare is located right in the middle of typical Chicagoland suburbia, which is as much cultural as it is geographic. If you ever fly into O’Hare Airport, stop by the neighborhood, and chime in on the Roads vs Streets debate at email@example.com. Moving on, O’Hare certainly does not have rear lanes; it has alleys. They are huge, many times wider than the streets themselves, and allow for horizontal parking on both sides, as well as utility access with central drainage. They are also a place where children play, as they offer a huge amount of space with little to no through traffic.
ABOVE: A typical O’Hare alleyway. It is much wider than the main street and probably wider than any street in Chicago which is not closed-access. The love of universal, easy parking cements O’Hare’s cultural location in the suburbs.
Finally, O’Hare has many passages which connect the street to the entrance to apartment buildings (the larger ones usually have entrances in the middle of the passage) and the alleyway. The larger ones have mini-gardens where children frolic and parents camp in lawn chairs on hot summer days. There are a few pedestrian pathways that directly connect the neighborhood to the Chevalier Woods, but all of them go inland and make for good hikes, but poor frolics through nature from one side of the neighborhood to the other, and so are not true Paths.
ABOVE: One of the more crowded Passages that cut through two of the larger apartment blocks. Notice how the main entrances are in the middle, not in front or out back, and face inward, towards neighbors, as opposed to the outside world where thoroughfares often mark strict neighborhood boundaries. This is probably not a coincidence.
To sum up, let’s see how O’Hare faces against the Victoria Transport Policy Institute’s street connectivity standards:
Average intersection spacing for local streets at 300-400 ft: Nope. 650 (ish).
Max intersection spacing for local streets at 600 ft: Eh. Maybe. Is it a hard limit?
Max intersection spacing for arterial streets at 1000 ft: Again pushing it. 0.2 miles is around 1050 feet.
Max space between pedestrian/bike areas to 350 ft: Probably around there. Not in the parts of the neighborhood which are standalone 3x1s though.
Street pavement width around 24-36 ft: Should be good. Just don’t go into the alleyways.
Max block size at 5-12 acres: easily.
Cul-de-sac prevalence at <20%: There’s none at all.
Limits cul-de-sac length to 200-400 feet: Did you read the last one?
Limits gated communities and restricted access roads: None here.
Requires multiple access connections between a development and arterial streets: Yes, although for a Savannah Grid Plan, the street pattern can be rather confusing if you get off at the wrong place.
So, in total, that’s around 7.5 out of 10, not bad for an industrial development trapped in urban-flight suburbia. I would say it’s very simple to get around by car, and since the neighborhood is fairly small, not too difficult to get to a main road where the buses run. The neighborhood is designed in a way that makes it undesirable to walk to another neighborhood, but within the neighborhood, or to the edge, is not so bad.
Even though O’Hare is isolated from the rest of the city and planned in the most counter-productive way possible, a short walk through the neighborhood yielded the same feeling that a stranger gets when walking through Wicker Park or Lincoln Park. All the elements of the next great Chicago neighborhood are there: mixing of residential and commercial zones, vibrant and diverse culture, and a disinclination, I feel, to use automotive transit. What the neighborhood is missing, however, is a good main street that will tie all of this together. That’s why my proposal is to convert Cumberland Avenue, O’Hare’s main thoroughfare, into a proper walkable main street.
First, I think it would be beneficial to isolate all car-centric destinations to an area north of Bryn Mawr Avenue. By car-centric destinations, I mean gas stations, strip malls, public utilities, and anything which is aimed primarily at people in surrounding suburban communities (Figure 1). The presence of these establishments gives O’Hare residents no reason to walk outside of their immediate residential area and thus suffocates neighborhood character. The area between the Kennedy Expressway and Bryn Mawr Avenue is already populated entirely by office parks and commercial buildings that are located in that place for the convenience of auto commuters (Figure 2). Instead of very light land use, this area should be converted to be able to hold the current stock of O’Hare businesses.
Fig. 1 Fig. 2
Source: Google Maps Source: The Author
Second, it is important to mandate that there be no barriers whatsoever between the sidewalk and the new businesses that will take the place of the old car-centric ones. Present strip malls often feature a parking lot between the sidewalk and the shops, as well as other barriers like a fence that dissuade foot traffic from entering (Figure 3). While cars will always be a part of suburban life to some extent, since we want new neighborhood establishments to be first and foremost for O’Hare residents, these parking spaces should be put in the back and all pedestrian-unfriendly architecture removed in the same manner. The Lexicon of New Urbanism states that easy access to storefronts is the single most important step towards a neighborhood that is pleasing for pedestrian foot traffic (Fig. 4), so this is essential.
Fig. 3 Fig. 4
Source: Google Maps Source: National Association of City
Finally, some traffic calming devices should be in order. Cumberland Avenue strikes me as a fast-paced, industrial road that is seriously underserved by traffic calming devices. O’Hare is designed in such a way that there are quite a few major crossings in a short distance, so traffic lights will probably be expensive and infuriating to drivers. Stop signs strike a much more cost-effective balance, accompanied by clear and well-maintained crossings (Figure 5). Sidewalk extensions are also a good idea, as are barriers between the sidewalk and the road like trees and grass that distance pedestrians from speeding traffic (Figure 6).
Fig. 5 Fig. 6
Source: Smart Growth America Source: Global Designing Cities Initiative
While I may be too optimistic, I feel that this may be a good model going forward for all “edge cities”, industrial and commercial neighborhoods that often separate a city from its suburbs. Design should concentrate business and industry in one sector, as opposed to the current design of concentrating housing in one sector, and local business should be given quarter to thrive as it would in more “touristy” neighborhoods. After all, good urbanism involves creating good neighborhoods everywhere, not just where it is easy and convenient.
BELOW: Neighborhood view of O’Hare. The pink line demonstrates the hypothetical southern limit for commercial and industrial developments. The blue points along Cumberland are good places where stop signs, crosswalks, and sidewalk extensions can create a traversable main street. In purple are present industrial zones that could eventually be transformed into civic and commercial spaces.